As rain falls steadily on broken cobbled streets, dozens of white-capped men, young and old and holding umbrellas, converge on a small flat-roofed building, the nondescript community mosque.
The loudspeaker that would normally be used for the call to prayer on Fridays is no longer allowed in Sittwe, due to divisions with the surrounding Rakhine Buddhist neighbourhoods. The mosque's muezzin stands at the entrance and recites the adhan; over his shoulder, in the distance is a golden pagoda, proof of two peoples so close, yet so divided.
Parts of Aung Mingalar, in the heart of Rakhine's capital, resemble a slum. It is a segregated neighbourhood prison for nearly 5,000 Rohingya Muslims, who now live uncertain lives in a city where many have lived for generations. This is the last Muslim community remaining in central Sittwe, thousands who used to live and trade in the city are now forced to live in distant internally displaced persons camps and cannot return.
Some homes are just shacks, in other parts of the small district green fields occupy land where houses once stood before they were burned down in deadly sectarian violence in 2012. Not many have jobs and most rely on government assistance for food deliveries.
But tensions have eased in Sittwe three years since the riots and even hardline monks in the city accept that coexistence is possible. Still, with no voting rights, freedom of movement or political voice, most Rohingyas live a troubled existence. And they do not expect Myanmar's general elections on Sunday (Nov 8) to improve their plight.
One young man named Amin passed the Channel NewsAsia team a clandestine hand-written note, folded into a tight wad. It is a desperate call for the international community to help. In it, he argues that they have been silenced, and even their own Muslim leaders are taking advantage of the situation by withholding aid and charging money when people need urgent medical care in the capital Yangon.
"There is no one listening to us," he said. That includes the woman many in Myanmar have pinned their hopes on for change: Political prisoner-turned-democracy fighter Aung San Suu Kyi.
Despite an apparent groundswell of support for her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), in Myanmar's major cities, feelings are lukewarm at best in Rakhine, even among these Rohingya communities that have had their rights eroded by the central Government.
"If she wins the elections I think things will be even worse for us here," Amin said. "We are not her concern. I think she is selfish." Others standing around him nod in approval.
Notably, the NLD is not fielding any Muslim candidates anywhere in the country and has been criticised for failing to defend the rights of affected communities. Aung San Suu Kyi has been largely silent on the issue.
One resident, 52-year-old Ali, has returned to Sittwe after being in Thailand for 18 years, but now that he is back, he cannot even leave the Muslim quarter.
Standing on the porch of his family's home, the same one he was born in, he showed his father's identification card from 1956, lamenting that current-day politics has allowed the situation to deteriorate so much - such that he is no longer considered a citizen.
"No one has spoken to us or spoken about us doing this election period. The last three years have been terrible and I don't think things will improve," he said.
Others showed their pink card - proof of national citizenship - but there are no voting lists or means for people to attend the ballots.
The state's acting chief minister Mra Aung from the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party denied that these restrictions were in place.
"There's no discrimination," he told Channel NewsAsia. "We allow them to travel, to stay together peacefully, provide them with healthcare and they can interact with other ethnic groups even though they're not citizens."
He added that Muslim communities missed their chance to vote by not taking up the government's green card initiative, which it said would help lead towards an application for citizenship but was widely rejected by Rohingyas, who are identified as Bengalis by the government and most people in Rakhine.
The Buddhist community in the state claims that it too, for many years, has suffered from neglect from the central government and the Arakan National Party is standing strongly this year on a platform of bringing change and self-governance to the population majority.
But unlike the Rohingyas, they will have a chance to make that choice come Nov 8.